China: Common Ground in White House Race
09-16 17:48 Caijing Magazine

Policy statements from U.S. presidential hopefuls Barack Obama and John McCain reflect shared perspectives on China.
By staff reporter Li Xin
U.S. presidential candidates Barack Obama and John McCain expressed
similar views about U.S. policy toward China in statements published by the
American Chamber of Commerce in China (AmCham-China) in the October issue of its
China Brief. Each candidate stressed the importance of bilateral economic
relations and U.S.-China cooperation on geopolitical issues such as the Six
Party Talks. They also underscored shared responsibilities of the two nations on
climate change, and consider this effort an opportunity to build stronger ties.
Both asked for a more open Chinese market. McCain criticized
protectionism and highlighted the realities of globalization, saying some job
losses may be permanent. Obama punched at the Chinese currency exchange rate
system as well as intellectual property rights protection.
Caijing was
the first Chinese media outlet to receive a full transcript of the candidate
statements from AmCham-China. Here are excerpts, beginning with Democratic
candidate Obama and followed by Republican hopeful
McCain.
U.S.-China Policy under an Obama
Administration
As China's leaders acknowledge, China must make
some basic adjustments if it is to continue sustained, shared economic growth.
China must develop practices that are more environmentally sustainable and less
energy intensive, that boost domestic consumption as an engine of growth, that
enhance the social safety net, and that encourage indigenous technological
innovation. Otherwise, the country's future performance may fall well short of
its potential.
On Taiwan and North Korea
We need to
address the principal causes of regional tension. As I made clear in my
congratulatory letter to Ma Ying-jeou on his inauguration, we support steps to
build trust across the Taiwan Strait and improvements in relations between
Beijing and Taipei, now more possible with good will by both sides than at any
time since the mid-1990s. Reduction of tensions between China and Japan is in
the interests of those two countries, and of the United States. We seek the type
of stability and well-being on the Korean peninsula that can only be brought
about by the complete elimination of North Korea's nuclear weapons program and
normalization of relations between North Korea and all the participants in the
Six Party Talks. And finally, and critically, we need a strong foundation for a
long-term, positive and constructive relationship with an emerging
China.
I firmly believe that an active, sophisticated and nimble U.S.
diplomatic, economic and security presence in the region is critical to
achieving these and related goals. Our alliances with Japan, South Korea,
Australia, the Philippines and Thailand are the foundation of the U.S. security
presence in the region, and contribute greatly to regional stability,
threatening no one.
On Bilateral Trade
I know that
America and the world can benefit from trade with China, but only if China
agrees to play by the rules and act as a positive force for balanced world
growth. I want China's economy to continue to grow, its domestic demand to
expand and its vitality to contribute to regional and global prosperity. But
China's current growth is unbalanced, and in recent years domestic consumption
has actually gone down as a percentage of GDP. To increase internal demand,
Beijing will have to improve substantially its social safety net and upgrade its
financial services sector to bring its consumption in line with international
norms.
On Currency Exchange Rates
Central to any
rebalancing of our economic relationship with China must be a change in its
currency practices. Because it pegs its currency at an artificially low rate,
China is running massive current account surpluses. This is not good for
American firms and workers, not good for the world, and ultimately likely to
produce inflation problems in China itself.
On IPR and Product
Quality
As president, I will use all the diplomatic avenues
available to seek a change in China's currency practices. I will also undertake
more sustained and serious efforts to combat intellectual property piracy in
China, and to address regulations that discriminate against foreign investments
in major sectors and other unfair trading practices. And I will work with the
Chinese government to establish a better system for both countries to monitor
products produced for export, and act when dangerous products are
identified.
As president, I will take a vigorous, pragmatic approach to
addressing these issues, utilizing our domestic trade remedy laws as well as the
WTO's dispute settlement mechanism wherever appropriate. High-level dialogue
among economic leaders in both countries is also important to achieving real
progress. My approach to our economic relationship is positive and
forward-looking: to remove obstructions to gaining benefits of trade, and thus
to enable faster, and healthier, growth in both economies.
On the
Environment
The climate change challenge demands that the United
States and China develop much higher levels of cooperation, without delay. We
are currently the world's two largest consumers of oil and the two largest
emitters of greenhouse gasses. As the world's richest developed economy and the
largest and most dynamic developing country, our cooperation to reduce the
threat of climate change can produce models, practices and technologies that
will provide impetus to global efforts, including those to reach agreement on a
post-Kyoto climate regime.
America and China have developed a mature,
wide-ranging relationship over the past 30-plus years. Yet we still have to do
serious work if we are to create the level of mutual trust necessary for
long-term cooperation in a rapidly changing region. Each country has deep
concerns about the long-term intentions of the other, and those concerns will
not disappear of their own accord. Cooperation on the key, enduring global
challenges, such as climate change, can deepen understanding and enhance
confidence. We also need to deepen high-level dialogues on a sustained basis on
economic, security and global political issues. Our militaries should increase
not only the quantity of their contacts but the quality of their
engagement.
On Global Politics
In the modern world,
non-traditional security threats are looming increasingly large. These include
the challenges of terrorism, proliferation, failed states, infectious diseases,
humanitarian disasters and piracy on the high seas. The United States and China
have developed some cooperation in each of these areas, but in some we continue
to have real differences, about which we must be candid. In particular, I look
to China to work with us to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, to
halt the genocide in Darfur, and to help reverse the slide into anarchy in
Zimbabwe.
On Human Rights
Greater progress in
protecting the human rights of all its people and moving toward democracy and
rule of law will better enable China to achieve its full potential as a nation,
domestically and internationally. China's own people will expect, indeed demand,
this. Such change will not weaken China, as its leaders may fear, but will
provide a firmer basis for long-term stability and prosperity. China cannot
stand indefinitely apart from the global trend toward democratic government,
rule of law and full exercise of human rights. Protection of the unique cultural
and religious traditions of the Tibetan people is an integral part of such an
agenda.
U.S.-China Policy under a McCain
Administration
China's double-digit growth rates have brought
hundreds of millions out of poverty, energized the economies of its neighbors
and produced manifold new economic opportunities. The U.S. shares common
interests with China that can form the basis of a strong partnership on issues
of global concern, including climate change, trade and proliferation. But some
of China's economic practices, combined with its rapid military modernization,
lack of political freedom and close relations with regimes like Sudan and Burma,
tend to undermine the very international system on which its rise depends. The
next American president must build on the areas of overlapping interest to forge
a more durable U.S.-China relationship.
On Protectionism
It must be a priority of the next American president to expand
America's economic relationships in Asia. Unfortunately, in what has become an
all-too-predictable pattern, some American politicians — including the
Democratic candidate for president — are preying on the fears stoked by Asia's
dynamism. Rather than encouraging American innovation and entrepreneurship, they
instead propose throwing up protectionist walls that will leave us all worse
off. The United States has never won respect or created jobs by retreating from
free trade, and we cannot start doing so now.
We also must recognize,
however, that while open trade with Asia is in America's interest, globalization
will not automatically benefit every American. That's why we must remain
committed to education, retraining and help for displaced workers, regardless of
whether their job went away because of trade, technological innovation, or
shifts in consumer spending patterns. For Americans who have lost a job, we need
to expand opportunities for further education and training that can open new
doors. We need to modernize our unemployment insurance system to reflect the
reality of the 21st century economy. Jobs that go away no longer come back when
business rebounds. We need to help displaced workers make ends meet between jobs
and move people quickly on to the next opportunity.
On Open
Markets
China has obligations as well. Its commitment to open
markets must include enforcement of international trade rules, protecting
intellectual property, lowering manufacturing tariffs, and fulfillment of its
commitment to move to a market-determined currency.
On Climate
Change
Beyond our economic relationship, the U.S. shares other
common interests with China that can form the basis of a strong partnership on
issues of global concern. In addressing the problem of climate change, for
instance, Chinese cooperation will be essential. If we are going to establish
meaningful environmental protocols, they must include the two nations — China
and India — that have the potential to pollute the air faster, and in greater
annual volumes, than any nation ever in history. The United States should
continue to negotiate in good faith with China and other nations to enact the
standards and controls that are in the interest of every nation, whatever their
stage of economic development. America can take the lead in offering these
developing nations low-carbon technologies that we will all need. Given the
environmental challenges so evident in China today, pressing on with
uncontrolled carbon emissions is in no one's interest.
On China's
Rise
China's growing power and influence endow it with the
obligation to behave as a responsible stakeholder in global politics. China
could bolster its claim that it is "peacefully rising" by being more transparent
about its significant military buildup and by working with the world to isolate
pariah states. In addition, how a nation treats its citizens is a legitimate
subject of international concern in today's world. China has signed numerous
international agreements that make its domestic behavior more than just a matter
of national sovereignty. To be a responsible stakeholder in the modern
international system, a government must also be responsible at home in
protecting the rights of its people.