The handcuffing of Taiwan's Chen Shui-bian reflected the power and effectiveness of rule of law -- as well as its potential.
By Hu Shuli
From the Caijing
Magazine
A Taipei court ordered Chen Shui-bian taken into
custody November 12 on charges of money laundering with family members and
embezzling “secret diplomatic funds.” The former “president” of
Taiwan thus became prisoner No. 2630,
attracting worldwide media attention. (See related reports in this edition of
Caijing.) A defiant Chen raised his handcuffed wrists for photographers,
launched a hunger strike and refused medication.
Now, Chinese people on both sides
of the Taiwan Strait are looking past the Chen
spectacle to reflect on the significance of the case in forging rule of
law.
Since 2006, suspicions that Chen
and his relatives were involved in embezzlement and bribe-taking were reported
in the media, riveting attention on the mainland as well as Taiwan. The
scandal that initially amounted to about NT$ 14 .8 million (about US$ 448,500)
did not disappear after Chen left office. This past summer, a Swiss federal
prosecutor asked Taiwan authorities to cooperate in
investigating the Chen family’s overseas accounts. The news media quickly
reported the request, and the sum of money involved grew to hundreds of millions
of Taiwan dollars. The probe exposed not
only intricate links between politicians and business people, but also charges
of power abuse by the director of the investigation bureau, who allegedly leaked
sensitive information, and the use of a slush fund for foreign
relations.
The breadth and depth of the
scandals were astounding. Even mainland observers familiar with high-level
corruption found the inside stories and sordid details
shocking.
The Chen case is
thought-provoking in many respects. For example, it shows that
Taiwan’s democracy is still
relatively young. The scandal emerged after an election, and it showed how a
leader’s power can grow more corrupt over time when unchecked by effective
oversight or warnings. The discovery and subsequent investigation over the past
two years has been a serious test of the independent judiciary and the system of
checks and balances in Taiwan.
Under cross-examination by
prosecutors, Chen displayed the shrewdness of a master politician. He alternated
between evasion and innuendo by saying, for example, that “an explanation is
helpless for political case”, while later promising to “bare it to all to the
Taiwanese people during an open trial.” Now, as the drama unfolds, people on
both sides of the strait and even international observers will be able to judge
whether the trial is fair, if the process stands up to public scrutiny, if the
prosecution and judicial functions are well delineated, and if the public’s
right to know is honored.
Regardless, the process is
special for Chinese around the world. When a former leader is detained in an
ordinary jail cell, it’s clear that China’s old feudal saying that
“punishment reaches no officials” is no longer valid. No individual and no party
can be above the law. This is the essence of rule of law.
The Chen case also reflects how
the judiciary exercises power and oversight. While probing the allegations,
Taiwan’s prosecutors came under
criticism in some quarters for being subject to political interference. Other
critics faulted them for “an inadequate response” to the allegations. To the
system’s credit, different viewpoints were expressed through appropriate
channels. It’s best not to muffle critics. The news media played an important
role in helping the public understand the case while providing a forum for
opinion. A so-called “trial by press” or “lynch-mob court” can be avoided by
letting rule of law guide pluralistic opinions. Self-restraint in the process
reflects a maturing democratic society.
The cover-up of huge, secret
overseas accounts that the Chen family allegedly maintained for eight years has
prompted the Taiwanese government and the public to scrutinize the country’s Law
for Property Disclosure by Public Officials. They may seek a revision and look
into new legislation that criminalizes the use of dubious income by public
officials.
Taiwan’s Law for Personal Assets Disclosure by Public Officials, effective
since 1993, applies to officials from the government’s top echelons to village
levels who must file periodic asset reports. Results are posted on the Internet.
The scope, however, is rather narrow and officials are not required to disclose
income sources. Moreover, the penalty for an omission -- up to NT$ 4 million
(about US$ 125,000) -- is too low. New anti-corruption regulations were proposed
in September that would shift the burden of proving income sources to officials
in question from prosecutors, and require prison sentences of up to three years
for non-disclosure. And since October, the country’s lawmakers have been
amending the law to extend its application to directors and inspectors on the
boards of public enterprises.
To be sure, the law itself is
inadequate. But the current search for improvements and amendments is
significant as well as timely. Disclosure of personal assets by public officials
is an internationally recognized system for checking
corruption.
Lessons for assessing the
effectiveness of these laws can be learned. On the mainland, the Communist Party
and the State Council promulgated in 1995 regulations for disclosing the incomes
of party and government officials above the county level. They did likewise in
2001 with regulations on reporting family assets by provincial cadres. In April,
when former Shanghai party secretary Chen Liangyu was
convicted, we urged the government to enact a sunshine law to remedy
deficiencies in existing regulations. The Chen case highlights the urgency of
such action.
At the same time, the Chen case
underscores the progress made in judicial awareness, as well as in making and
implementing laws to transform “rule of man” and finally replace it with rule of
law. A legal system that applies equally to all is the right way to rectify the
abuses of rule of man.
Mainlanders watching the Chen
case unfold from across the Taiwan Strait may
not fully understand the mixed feelings of Taiwanese compatriots toward their
former “president,” who now faces possible conviction. From this point on, let’s
hope empathy and thoughtful reflection among Chinese on both sides of the strait
can help us press on, together, toward a bright future.